In "Crises of Democracy," Adam Przeworski examines the multifaceted threats facing democracies today, delving into the political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions of these challenges. His well-researched insights are particularly relevant in light of recent global events, like the rise of far-right parties and political turmoil in the U.S. While Przeworski presents a wealth of data that offers both hope and concern, some readers may find the dense language a hurdle, making it less accessible for those not familiar with political jargon.

Overall, this book is a timely contribution to the ongoing debate about the future of democracy. Although it doesn't necessarily break new ground, it does provide a nuanced perspective, suggesting that the challenges facing democratic governance could either reinvigorate or threaten its stability. For those willing to engage with complex ideas, "Crises of Democracy" is worth a read, but be prepared for a bit of a mental workout!

Due to a passing in the family a few years ago and my subsequent health issues stemming from that, I was unable to download this book in time to review it before it was archived as I did not visit this site for years after the bereavement. Thank you for the opportunity.

Crises of Democracy written by Professor of Politics, Adam Przeworski could not have been written at a more critical moment in our contemporary political climate. All around the world, it seems that large political shifts are occurring, the results and effects of which we are yet to learn. Whether it is the rise of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, the volatile riots and inequality in Chile, or Trumpism in the U.S.A., it seems that a shift towards right-wing and extremist politics is in motion. Even if I look to my own homeland Australia, and the government’s refusal to listen to the Australian people concerning refugees or climate issues (just to name a few issues) shows there is a disconnection and discontentment with democratic practices. But what does this mean really for us? Sadly, Przeworski is no mystic. He cannot predict the future political outcomes of our times, but he can ask us to think critically about our political climates on a local and global scale.

Przeworski asks his readers to think critically about the current socio-economic-political climate. Furthermore, he asks his readers to contextualise current political trends with previous political outcomes from the fall of the Weimar Republic in Germany to Chile’s dictatorship. History doesn’t always repeat itself, but it does rhyme.

Before looking at how Przeworski unpacks past political crises concerning the present, it is first important to briefly address how he defines both ‘crisis’ and ‘democracy’. He keeps his definitions simple and tries not to add adjectives to his definition of democracy for fear of overcomplicating the term, and for the purpose of his academic exploration, I believe he is right. “Democracy,” Przeworski states, “is a political arrangement in which people select governments through elections and have a reasonable possibility of removing incumbent governments they don’t like.” To add to this, “democracy is a mechanism for processing conflicts. Political institutions manage conflicts in an orderly way by structuring the way social antagonisms are organized politically, absorbing whatever conflicts may threaten public order, and regulating them according to some rules.” Democracy is based on fair elections through the votes of civilians. However, what happens if there are cataclysmic differences between the values of those voting?

The word ‘crisis’ stems from ancient Greek meaning ‘decision’. Some crises are chronic, and others are acute. Some institutes, capitalism, for example, is considered impervious to crises in the sense that it is a self-correcting systems. A crisis in regards to politics is a breakdown of the traditional and generally accepted definitions and rules of that institution. A crisis forces people to make decisions that will change the direction and outcomes of thing being impacted. Crises in democracy occur when there is a break down in democratic practices, namely when voting is compromised, when governments cannot function and/or absorb public conflict productively, and/or when a person or group takes over politically which disables the country from overthrowing them through safe non-confrontational means.

“The specter that haunts us today, I believe, is the last possibility: a gradual, almost imperceptible erosion of democratic institutions and norms, subversion of democracy by stealth, the use of legal mechanisms that exist in regimes with favorable democratic credentials for anti-democratic ends.”

History is sadly a treasure-trove of democracies in crises. Przeworski gives a few major examples of democracies that have been in crisis, some of which were able to recover and avoid major catastrophe, and others that were not so lucky. What is always important to remember about historical discussions of political crises is that it is very easy to see ‘how’ everything went wrong afterwards. Hindsight is always 20/20.

One of the most common ways for democracy to find itself in crisis is through a coup. Other ways are ‘backsliding’ which is a slow erosion of democratic rights are achieved through democratic channels. Presidential democracies are, according to Przeworski, more brittle and are the least stable in times of crises. Democracies with stable and strong economies are less likely to have crises, and if they do, these crises are usually solved peacefully. Inequality and power corruptions mixed with weak economies, however, are a recipe for crisis. With these in mind, let’s look at how democracies have fallen into crisis.

The most classic and obvious example Przeworski gives is the fall of the Weimar Republic in Germany and the rise of Nazism and Hitler. Hitler rose to power legally and democratically. He was able to exploit political policy flaws within the Weimar Republic, and his effects on German and world history echo to this day. Chile’s democratic fall came about after the leader, Allende, was not able to rule effectively and democratically. The military takeover, seen as a way to stop Allende from further political blunders turned into something more toxic and horrific than could have been predicted. And if we turn to current events in Chile, it is the fear and pain from Chile’s dictator past that is partly fuelling the events that are unfolding today.

France’s crisis from 1954 to 1968 was brought on by the Algerian war, or ‘Algerian Events’ as it was referred to in France. De Gaulle was elected in 1958, and he wanted to maintain Algeria as a colony of France. De Gaulle restricted press, the war created protests and conflicts on the street. However, Przeworski suggests that it was De Gaulle’s personality that prevented him from becoming a dictator. De Gaulle stated: “Would one believe that, at the age of 67, I will begin a career of a dictator?” In the end, the French government was able to come together and act decisively in the face of disaster, which resulted in the fifth French Republic was born.

The period of 1964-1976 in the U.S. was extremely volatile. The Civil Rights movement was in full swing, the Vietnam war was dividing the country, and the political assassinations of Martin Luther King and Kennedy destabilised democracy. The Watergate scandal with President Nixon and his administration was the peak of the crisis point for the U.S. at that time. Nixon’s administration tried to defend its power by all means possible: “sixty-nine of his supporters were eventually charged, and forty-eight were convicted of illegal acts related to the Watergate scandal, including two attorney generals, the chief of staff, three White House staffers, the Secretary of Commerce, and Nixon’s personal lawyer.” The system that was in place in the U.S. meant that the president couldn’t abuse his power for too long. Although, as Przeworski rightly asks: “the obvious counterfactual question is whether the institutional system would have counteracted the abuse of power by the president had Republicans controlled both houses of Congress.” Nixon resigned before he was impeached.

What is perhaps an overarching conclusion that we can make about these examples is that “conditions do not determine outcomes; actions of people under the conditions do.” The divide that we are seeing between right-wing and right-wing extremism and the left is concerning. When we have drastic differences in ideological notions regarding race, gender, and nationalism, it can lead to political crises. Other contributing factors to crises are the “decline of growth rates of the already developed countries; increase in income inequality among individuals and households and declining labor share in manufacturing; and decline of employment in industry and rise of the service sector, particularly of low-paying service jobs.” All of these factors impact each other in their own ways. For example, high immigration and low-income rates affect right-wing tendencies.

While it might seem alarmist to suggest we are heading towards a crisis, but looking at these examples from Przeworski, one can see a reason to pay attention and watch political developments closely. Although democracy is a pillar of our political world now, it is still extremely fragile. It isn’t something we should take for granted. As citizens, we cannot let disenfranchisement dictate how we vote or participate politically. While Przeworksi’s book is more academic, and I do believe that it has accessible themes and notions that are not impossible for non-academic readers to appreciate and understand. As always, share the reading love.

First and foremost, a large thank you to NetGalley, Adam Przeworski, and Cambridge University Press for providing me with a copy of this publication, which allows me to provide you with an unbiased review.

At a time when some fear the erosion of democratic ideals, Adam Przeworski expands on some of his past arguments to show that there certainly is some foundation to a democratic crisis taking place. Before diving in, Przeworski seeks to have the reader understand some of the central tenets of ‘democracy’ and ‘crisis’, allowing for a better understanding of the argument. Hashing out a relatively transparent definition of both terms, Przeworski moves forward to explore some historical examples of democratic erosion, from its cause through to the outcomes. This discussion looks both at cases when outside sources influenced non-democratic behaviour (refusal of substantial elections), as well as those instances that fall within the machine of democratic happenings (electoral victories for a rival party). Przeworski argues effectively that erosion of democratic means are not always the result of nefarious goings-on, though the aftermath can sometimes lend itself to that form of rule. After looking at the past, Przeworski explore some modern examples and reasons for a democratic crisis in the world, including the rise of parties that seek the far-right sentiments of the political spectrum. Be it those who espouse xenophobia or a suspension of any support mechanisms to help the greater society, Przeworski is detailed in his discussion about how such a drastic pendulum swing can gain momentum by seeking to ‘find democracy again’ for a select group, while completely bastardising it for the larger whole. What is to be done in these cases? Przeworski and some others that he cites seem to feel a need to use the ballot as the greatest weapon to evoke change. While history has shown that the coup is, at times, the only way to overturn a government that strays away from active democracy, it is also not ideal if trying to foster democratic stability. While the tome did present itself as academic in nature, the arguments and layout did lean themselves to layman comprehension. A good piece for those who are in touch with democratic systems and enjoy political history.

While I am aware I get my ‘geek on’ when it comes to books like these, I can see the worthiness of the topic and the importance of the discussion. Przeworski uses not only social science studies, but some events grounded in history to make his points. He does so in a rational manner and does not fly off the handle when it comes to pushing his points to the reader. There is not only written substantiation, but also a number of tables to show how the arguments tie together, permitting Przeworski to make his point to the patient reader. While the book does come across as an academic study, it is not written in such a high-brow style so as to isolate the layperson with a general interest. While this is the case—and I am aware that reading an ARC, I should not be talking about the book’s layout—there was a troublesome presentation to the book in its pre-published electronic form. Tables were not presented clearly for a strong exposition of the valid points being made and that did lessen the impact for me. I love seeing something in black and white, where numbers tell the story. Przeworski and the publisher are surely not to blame for this, but I would be remiss if I did not bring it up. With easy to follow chapters and a style of writing that educates without drowning in minutiae, Przeworski delivers a strong tome and one that will be of interest to many. That being said, as soon as something of this nature is written, its facts are skewed by an ever-active world. Przeworski does admit the 2016 Presidential Election in the United States fuelled his interest in this topic, but effectively argues that this was not a harbinger to a generation of democratic crises. The world is surely in a transformative place politically, though I am not yet worried about the complete erosion of all I hold dear. Check in with me after 2020 and we’ll reevaluate.

Kudos, Mr. Przeworski, for this intriguing look into democracy and political goings-on when it comes to world affairs. I may have to come back to this piece again in the future.

If you are concerned about the state of democracy, both in the United States and in the mature democracies of this world, you will not find quick answers and immediate solutions in this book. Indeed, the title of the book shows its focus, that is, crises and disasters. This book looks at the past and current crises of democratic states to give us context for what is happening around us and give us a snapshot of the modern state of democracy. He does go into some detail describing both crises and democracy in the introduction before delving into democracy’s somewhat perilous and full-of-strife past. I found his discussion of the vulnerabilities of democracy and the two conditions that most threaten it, unbridled and inherently unequal capitalism coupled with theoretical political equality and the quest for political power, particularly enlightening and much food for thought. He then goes on to talk about current events in modern democracies that could be considered crises. Given the troubled history of democracy, it is easy to follow the thread that shows us how we got to where we are. What is less clear is how we move on in the future, though the author does give some thoughts on the future of democracy. In the Trump and Brexit era, many books are taking a deeper look into these events and what may have brought us to this place, but I appreciated the author's willingness to simply present facts (and opinions) and ask insightful questions. The book is certainly thought-provoking, and I think it is an important book for those of us who care about democracy and our future to read.

Very timely book and well researched. The depth of thought is brilliant. However, I found the book a bit hard to comprehend for a lay person and maybe a simpler language could make things easier for those not well acquainted with political terminology.

I feel like I could build a book fort out of all the books arguing that the sky of democracy is falling these days between the elections of Donald Trump and various events in Europe involving far-right political parties. Adam Przeworski offers his contribution to this debate in Crises of Democracy. I was interested in this book because I know that Mr. Przeworski has a credible reputation in the field to talk about the economic, social, and cultural aspects of democracy.

While this book presents a great deal of data which gives the reader equal cause for hope and concern. I’m not really sure we move beyond the clouded muck that existed before I opened the first page of the book. I guess if I could say anything, I would say that we end up with a strongly qualified or wishy-washy, democratic governance throughout the world is facing some challenges that could either reinvigorate or imperil it. Not exactly groundbreaking material.